Category Archives: Business


Peter Drucker the father of Business

Early Years

Peter Drucker was born in Vienna, Austria on November 19, 1909. The household in which he grew up was one of great intellectual ferment. His parents, Adolph and Caroline, regularly held evening salons with economists (including Joseph Schumpeter, who would come to have a tremendous influence on Drucker), politicians, musicians, writers and scientists. “That was actually my education,” Drucker later said.


Drucker moved from Austria to Germany to study admiralty law at Hamburg University before transferring to Frankfurt University, where he studied law at night. He also became senior editor in charge of foreign affairs and business at Frankfurt’s largest daily newspaper, the Frankfurter General-Anzeiger.


Drucker received his PhD in international law from Frankfurt University in 1932. Three years later, he moved to England after two of his essays—one on Friedrich Julius Stahl, a leading German philosopher, and a second, The Jewish Question in Germany—were banned and burned by the Nazis. In Cambridge, Drucker attended a lecture by leading economist John Maynard Keynes, and there had an epiphany: “I suddenly realized that Keynes and all the brilliant economic students in the room were interested in the behavior of commodities while I was interested in the behavior of people.” In 1934, Drucker married Doris Schmitz. They moved to the United States in 1937. Drucker served as a correspondent for several British newspapers, including the Financial Times. He eventually began teaching economics part time at Sarah Lawrence College in New York.

Title published in the 1930s
The End of Economic Man


Drucker’s invitation to take a close peek inside General Motors resulted in the publication of his landmark book Concept of the Corporation in 1946. It was during this engagement that Drucker met legendary GM Chairman Alfred Sloan, who would in many ways become Drucker’s model for the effective executive. “The chief executive must be…absolutely tolerant and pay no attention to how a man does his work, let alone whether he likes a man or not,” Sloan told him. “The only criteria must be performance and character.” Drucker also became professor of philosophy and politics at Bennington College.

Titles published in the 1940s
The Future of Industrial Man
Concept of the Corporation




In 1950, Drucker joined the faculty of New York University as professor of management; he would work there for 21 years. He also began his formal consulting practice and took on major assignments with Sears, Roebuck and IBM, among others. In 1954, he published The Practice of Management, widely considered the first book to organize the art and science of running an organization into an integrated body of knowledge. Before this, you could find books on individual aspects of managing a business—finance, for example, or human resources. But there was nothing that pieced it all together. What was out there “reminded me of a book on human anatomy that would discuss one joint in the body—the elbow, for instance—without even mentioning the arm, let alone the skeleton and musculature,” Drucker later recalled. By the time he began work on The Practice of Management, then, Drucker was, as he described it, “very conscious of the fact that I was laying the foundations of a discipline.” In 1959, Drucker coined the term “knowledge work,” foreshadowing a new economy in which brains would trump brawn.

Titles published in the 1950s
The New Society
The Practice of Management
America’s Next Twenty Years
The Landmarks of Tomorrow


Drucker received the Presidential Citation at NYU, the school’s highest honor. He published the classic The Effective Executive in 1966. (Forty-two years later the Kalima project, which aims to increase the choice of books available to readers in Arabic, would choose The Effective Executive as one of the first 100 titles it translated, along with The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money by John Maynard Keynes, The Aeneid by Virgil and The Meaning of Relativity by Albert Einstein.) In 1968’s The Age of Discontinuity, Drucker wrote of a burgeoning phenomenon that, in hindsight, sounds an awful lot like Internet culture: “The impact of cheap, reliable, fast, and universally available information will easily be as great as was the impact of electricity. Certainly young people, a few years hence, will use information systems as their normal tools, much as they now use the typewriter or the telephone.”

Titles published in the 1960s
Managing for Results
The Effective Executive
The Age of Discontinuity


In 1973, Drucker authored his magnum opus, Management: Tasks, Responsibilities, Practices, which would become the playbook for generations of corporate executives, nonprofit managers and government leaders. Some have likened it to the Physicians’ Desk Reference for managers. In 1971, Drucker became the Marie Rankin Clarke Professor of Social Science and Management at what was then called Claremont Graduate School. He also began a 20-year tenure as a monthly columnist for The Wall Street Journal.

Titles published in the 1970s
Technology, Management and Society
The New Markets and Other Essays
Men, Ideas and Politics
Drucker on Management
Management: Tasks, Responsibilities, Practices
The Unseen Revolution
People and Performance: The Best of Peter Drucker on Management
Adventures of a Bystander


The Claremont Graduate Center of Management was renamed the Peter F. Drucker Management Center in 1987. Drucker published eight new titles during the decade in addition to maintaining active teaching and consulting activities. In 1989, he produced The Nonprofit Drucker, a five-volume audio series featuring insights into the management of the social sector.

Titles published in the 1980s
Managing in Turbulent Times
Toward the Next Economics and Other Essays.
The Changing World of the Executive.
The Last of All Possible Worlds (fiction).
The Temptation to Do Good (fiction).
Innovation and Entrepreneurship.
Frontiers of Management.
The New Realities.


The Peter F. Drucker Foundation for Nonprofit Management (today called the Frances Hesselbein Leadership Institute) was established in 1990. Drucker delivered the prestigious Godkin Lecture at Harvard University in 1994. The Drucker Center became the Peter F. Drucker Graduate School of Management in 1997, and the Drucker Archives (a repository for Drucker’s manuscripts, letters and other material) was inaugurated in 1998. At the age of 87, Drucker was featured on the cover of Forbes under the headline: “Still the Youngest Mind.”

Titles published in the 1990s
Managing the Nonprofit Organization: Principles and Practices
Managing for the Future
The Ecological Vision
Post-Capitalist Society
Managing in a Time of Great Change
Drucker on Asia: A Dialogue between Peter Drucker and Isao Nakauchi
Peter Drucker on the Profession of Management
Management Challenges for the 21st Century


Drucker taught his last course in the spring of 2002, at the age of 93 (though he’d continue to lecture periodically for the next several years). That summer, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation’s highest civilian honor. President Bush called Drucker “the world’s foremost pioneer of management theory.” In 2004, the Drucker Graduate School of Management became the Peter F. Drucker and Masatoshi Ito Graduate School of Management.

Asked near the end of his life what he considered his most important contributions, Drucker replied:

  • That I early on—almost sixty years ago—realized that management has become the constitutive organ and function of the Society of Organizations;
  • That management is not “Business Management”…but the governing organ of all institutions of Modern Society;
  • That I established the study of management as a discipline in its own right; and
  • That I focused this discipline on People and Power; on Values, Structure and Constitution; and above all on responsibilities—that is, focused the Discipline of Management on Management as a truly liberal art.

Drucker died on November 11, 2005, eight days shy of his ninety-sixth birthday. In 2006, the Drucker Archives became the Drucker Institute. Our mission is “strengthening organizations to strengthen society.”

Titles published in the the 2000s
The Essential Drucker
Managing in the Next Society
A Functioning Society
The Daily Drucker, with Joseph A. Maciariello
The Five Most Important Questions (posthumously released)

More about Peter Drucker

  • Peter Drucker’s Life and Legacy: Hailed by BusinessWeek as “the man who invented management,” Drucker directly influenced a huge number of leaders from a wide range of organizations across all sectors of society.
  • A Drucker Sampler: Readings available online for free that cover three of Drucker’s core areas of focus—the individual, organizations and society
  • Tributes to Drucker: Including Jim Collins on why “Peter Drucker contributed more to the triumph of freedom and free society over totalitarianism than anyone in the 20th century, including perhaps Winston Churchill”
  • Books by Drucker: All 39 of his books as well as his monographs, other works and publications to which he was a contributing writer
  • Books About Drucker: Personal and intellectual biographies, memoirs by Drucker’s former students and books on management that are rooted primarily and explicitly in Drucker’s work

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How China became a world power

Talk given by WWP Secretariat member Deirdre Griswold at the WWP National Conference Nov. 14.

It is amazing that so little has been said in the imperialist media about the 60th anniversary of the Chinese Revolution, especially considering that one-fifth of the world’s people live in China and that it has become the manufacturing hub for much of the globe.

Third Plenary Session: Putting revolutionary theory into practice. Speaker: Deirdre Griswold.

If you added up all the people of North, Central and South America, plus the Caribbean—in other words, all the 38 countries of the Western Hemisphere–you would still need to add 400 million more people to reach the size of China. And the many different peoples in China all live under one central government and are affected by its plans for development.

It was an earth-shaking event when, on October 1, 1949, after the defeat of the U.S.-supported Kuomintang army, Mao Zedong addressed a huge crowd in Tienanmen Square and said, “The Chinese people have stood up.” The revolutionary war, which had gone on for decades, not only liberated the peasants from the tyranny of the landlords and the workers from capitalist exploitation but it had an enormous impact on world events – and on Workers World Party.

While our party was officially formed a decade later, the world view of its founders was first expressed in a 1950 document by Sam Marcy on the global class war.

At that time, the Soviet Union was considered the leader of the international communist movement. Both the USSR and People’s China were helping defend the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea against a massive invasion and war by U.S. imperialism, which was aimed at crushing the spread of revolution in Asia.

Marcy’s document recognized that the Chinese Revolution was not just an agrarian reform or a national liberation struggle—although it incorporated both these vital features. He argued that it represented a fundamental change in class forces and that the new state rested on the working class and was oriented toward the building of socialism.

But, said Marcy in 1950, the revolution was not “chemically pure.” What did that mean?

The working class of China was then very small. In the course of the revolutionary war, the Communist Party had built what it called a “bloc of four classes” that included not only the workers, peasants, and petty bourgeoisie but also elements of the capitalist class not aligned with either Japanese or Western imperialism.

Nevertheless, Marcy argued in the left movement here at the time that all who were for socialism, for workers’ power, had a duty to stand with China and the other workers’ states against domestic reaction and imperialist intervention.

Marcy’s analysis proved correct. The Chinese Communist Party moved forward with expropriating the propertied classes. It inspired the masses of people to create social forms of production in the countryside as well as the cities.

The first issue of Workers World newspaper in 1959 contained an article on China called “Hail the Communes!” The communes were a tremendous step forward in the effort to raise up the peasantry and increase productivity so that China could feed its hundreds of millions of people.

After liberation from the blood-sucking landlords, farmers had begun to build collectives where labor was pooled and their product shared. But the communes went much further. They were a higher form of social organization. They brought schools and clinics to the countryside. They provided child care and made it possible for women to join social life on an equal basis after centuries of the deepest oppression. They incorporated small manufacturing with agriculture and taught new skills. The communes provided the elemental necessities of life—food, shelter, clothing—from the cradle to the grave. The Chinese called this social security the “iron rice bowl.”

In the 1960s, China kept moving to the left under the leadership of Mao Zedong. Eventually it would launch the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, an attempt to uproot privilege and a growing bureaucracy. At the same time, it championed revolutionary movements, especially in the many countries that were trying to break the bonds of colonialism and neo-colonialism that kept them poor and underdeveloped.

To understand why this leftward movement was thwarted and China moved to the right under Deng Ziaoping, you have to see the world context.

Beginning in the 1950s, the U.S. threatened both China and the Soviet Union with nuclear war. Both countries had to divert scarce resources to build up their military defenses. By the mid 50s, the USSR under Khrushchev tried to bring about an accommodation with the U.S. under the slogan “peaceful coexistence.”  Relations between the two huge socialist countries became strained as Moscow made agreements with Washington on nuclear arms at the expense of China.

In 1960 Soviet technicians who had been helping China with many infrastructure projects were suddenly withdrawn.

By 1962, the U.S. was already waging war against the revolutionary movements in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. In 1965 the CIA engineered a bloody military takeover in Indonesia in 1965 that destroyed the largest communist party in the world outside the socialist countries and slaughtered an estimated 1 million people.

The Chinese Communist Party by this time had opened a debate with the Soviet leaders, accusing them of watering down Leninist doctrine on the rapacious nature of imperialism and failing to give the liberation movements the help they needed.

Here in the U.S., China’s attempts to revive revolutionary Marxism and Leninism and champion the national liberation struggles won adherents, especially among the youth and in the Black movement. Our party vigorously supported China on these questions.

But the split in the world movement took its toll. A cornerstone of U.S. imperialism’s strategy was to deepen this split. An editor of the New York Times, Harrison Salisbury, even wrote a book in 1969 called “The Coming War between Russia and China,” which really was an attempt to incite such a war.

An all-out war didn’t happen, but the Chinese leaders made a grave error when they took their polemic against the policies of the Soviet leaders much further and characterized the USSR as “social-imperialist.” This derailed much of the world movement. It precluded any efforts to have a united front against the real imperialists and actually laid the basis for a turn to the right inside China itself.

In the 1970s, while the war in Vietnam was still raging, China invited President Richard Nixon to Beijing. It was a move that shocked and demoralized many in the movement here. It was a prelude to China’s later “opening” to Western investment and allowing the capitalist market to operate there.

The leader of Workers World, Sam Marcy, analyzed these political developments and you can read his articles online, as well as in our party pamphlets on China.

A revolutionary workers’ party cannot close its eyes to political issues like these, particularly a party in the very center of world imperialism. What happens in China is of the greatest consequence to the workers and the oppressed peoples here.

In this world capitalist economic crisis, when many workers are afraid for their jobs if they haven’t lost them already, capitalist demagogues like Lou Dobbs get paid to make sure that the workers’ anger is turned against immigrants and China instead of against the bosses here who lay them off or cut their wages.

China’s growth in the last two decades has been the most dynamic in the world. The working class has grown by several hundred million people. The standard of living of the masses has risen, but the wealth of the new bourgeoisie—still a small class–has risen even faster.

Who do we credit for this rapid development? The capitalists who invested in China to make a quick buck? Or the revolutionaries who pulled China out of the middle ages, ended illiteracy, achieved the beginnings of industrialization, brought millions out of famine and an early death by organizing the masses to change their conditions of life?

China’s rapid growth is proof that a centralized and planned economy, even one that has allowed market forces to operate, is vastly superior to capitalist anarchy. Not only has production soared but the infrastructure is being modernized. Even the environmental movement is starting to admit that China is becoming a world leader in the transition away from fossil fuels and toward a more sustainable economy. In the current world H1N1 epidemic, China has registered 30 flu deaths, compared to 4,000 in the U.S. (which has only one-fourth China’s population). This is proof of China’s ability to spin on a dime when it comes to dealing with potential disasters, and proof of a sophisticated medical system that has already inoculated nearly 60 million people against the flu. Such quick action is impossible when medical care is shackled to producing profits for private corporations.

The leaders of the Chinese Communist Party have gambled that they can contain the growing capitalist class and keep it under control. But the world capitalist economic crisis is affecting China, especially in its export-oriented businesses, many of which are privately owned. However, China’s stimulus plan, which goes directly to producing jobs, has softened the effects of the crisis.

At the same time, the class struggle has also surged in China as workers fight against layoffs and poor working conditions—especially in the privately owned sector of the economy. Strikes and demonstrations are on the rise, along with plant occupations and even direct action by workers against their bosses and managers.

Some of the struggles are directed against corrupt officials. Where does corruption come from? It comes from bourgeois elements who have the money to buy political influence and favors. China has actually executed quite a few millionaires for corruption, unlike the U.S., which reserves the death penalty for the poor and oppressed.

We continue to stand with China against imperialist threats, attempts to carve off areas like Tibet and Taiwan, and domestic reaction. And we stand with the Chinese workers, who have become bolder in fighting for their rights—which include the right to a job and a decent standard of living.

We say no to China-bashing, whether it comes from CNN or from backward elements in the union movement here. Above all, we are dedicated to building a revolutionary workers’ movement in the U.S. that can undo this highly militarized, imperialist regime that is holding back all humanity, so that our class everywhere will be free to control its own destiny and build a workers’ world.

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Free Reliance JIO 4G Sim Without LYF Mobiles ( Unlimited Calling Offer )

Business Finance

Free Reliance JIO 4G Sim

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of the latest in internet, reliance is also about to launch its 4G all across the nation at affordable andreasonable prices for the population .Earlier in the year Airtel and Vodafone joined the league with their launch of 4G network and numerous users shifted to these network providers to avail this opportunity of a faster and more secure internet. With amazing and unbelievably great speed the Reliance 3G hasachieved a lot of consumers in the nation because of their tremendous service as well as the affordable packs and plans that fit the wallets of all groups of financial status’ of the users. Now a new gift is going to be bestowed on the reliance consumers as the service provider Reliance India will be soon stepping into the market with their 4G plans.

JIO is making A Brand Name Day By Day. This is seen That Before the Released the Fate of JIO SIM, These is Million of Users using the JIO Network with LYF Mobiles. This is one of the Cheapest and Low Plant Network in the History of Telecom in India. So After the Low Rates of the JIO 4G, the Other Company Cut there Rates. In this Race The Airtel cut there Rates in the 4G AND 3G Places Prices. So this is the Big Resolution. The Final Date of Released the JIO SIM is 15th August 2016. But it will be extended as per the Company Policy. So now Get Ready for the Biggest Network in all over the India. The Company announced they they will provide you the 10 GB 4G AT 93 Rupees, and 20 GB Date at 200 Rupees. The Final Rates will be updates soon. There is no Comparison Between the Other data Plans Prices and them Prices. The company announced few days back they will give you the 10 GB 4G Date in 98 rupees, as Compared to Airtel, The 10 GB 4G/3G Date will be provided in 1349 Rupees. So These is Huge Difference in Between the Plans of them and Other. As compared to the Vodafone. The 1GB Date of 3G is 147 Rupees in India. So this is the Cheapest plans in India Now for 3G. But after the Release of them The Revolution will be occur in the Telecom Market for Sure 100 Percent.

Reliance Jio Biggest Update Get Unlimited Local And STD Calls For Lifetime Without Any Problem And Server Problem . Today Reliance  Has Announced 4G Internet Plan And Local / STD Tariff Plan Which Is Unbeatable . Get Reliance Jio 4G Internet For Rs.50 1GB Only And After Getting The Sim Card Jio Is Giving Unlimited Local And STD Calls For Free Lifetime .

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